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Government by Public Opinion

08/29/2024

Government by Public Opinion

Peter Woolley, Fairleigh Dickinson University

Reliable, frequent public opinion measurements in the United States have facilitated, in a way unprecedented in the histories of democratic rule, or any form of rule, the frequent invocation of public opinion, and its constant agitation, to arbitrate disputes among institutions and political actors. What politician does not begin half his or her paragraphs with “the American people want,” or do not want, have said, have weighed in, reject, endorse, etc.?

Over the last three generations, polls have come to serve as the central linking mechanism between Americans and their government. Why that mechanism should be so important in America was explained by James Bryce long before polling became commonplace.

In his American Commonwealth (1888), Bryce contended that, in contrast to the rest of the world, America’s form of government is “government by public opinion.” Trust in opinion polls is so important because in America, Bryce noted, “opinion rules more fully, more directly” than any despot possibly could. What government does, or avoids doing, or delays, or hides, is encouraged, vetoed, or ignored by public opinion. And because our system of checks and balances is in natural, prescribed conflict, there needs to be an arbiter: “public opinion must therefore be… frequently invoked and… constantly active.”

Regular and accurate public opinion measurements have played into America’s conviction that the nation is not Congress, the nation is not the president, the nation is not its government. “Supreme power,” says Bryce, “lies in the whole mass of citizens.” Their will is the “controlling authority.” Are pollsters, then, become the final facilitators of that controlling authority?

Just the opposite. With so much sovereignty invested in one organ–that of public opinion–with so much expectation that government will “hear and obey,” the public is naturally skeptical of any intermediary, including pollsters and their polls. The American public is protective of its sovereignty and will resist those who they think might misrepresent them or contradict them.

Polling is, the public knows, an intimate and integral part of politics. This includes both the people who misrepresent polls and the pollsters who do their best to be accurate and nuanced. Yet even the best of polls and pollsters cannot be exempt from criticism: Bryce notes the American public “admit everything to be a matter of criticism.” Pollsters are no exception. The public has not ceded any sovereignty to pollsters.

Bryce notes that “special knowledge, which commands deference in applied science or finances, does not command it in politics, because [politics] is not deemed a special subject, but one within the comprehension of every political man.” Pollsters may object that theirs is an applied science and should command the public’s deference. But no. Practical people will scoff at a sample of 400 respondents said to represent 8 million people, or observe that question wording matters a great deal, or note that the people they know were not questioned and are not reflected in the poll results, and that polls can be manipulated, or that some polls “disagree,” and that many results do not compare to their wishes, or preconceptions.

Of course, every pollster is more than aware of these practical considerations. And pollsters know better than anyone, including the most perspicacious politicians, that the “task of discerning changes and predicting consequences is always a difficult one, in which the most skillful observers may err.” Indeed, “the country is large, the din of voices is incessant, the parties are in many places nearly balanced,” says Bryce. “There are frequent small changes from which it would be rash to infer any real movement of opinion.”

And because discerning changes and predicting consequences is difficult, there are more than a few pundits who err with regularity. They err “because they mistake eddies and cross currents for the mainstream of opinion….” They err from “personal bias, or from vanity…” or from pandering or being pandered to, or as Bryce would say “from harkening to a clique of adherents.”

What is needed in such a situation, where public opinion is of such critical importance in determining the fate of the country, where legitimacy and power of public opinion is jealously guarded by contending groups, and where it is easy to err in discerning it properly, is someone who can “disengage himself from preconceptions, who is in genuine sympathy with his countrymen, and possesses the art of knowing where to look for typical manifestations of [public] sentiments….” That person is certainly a member of AAPOR.